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STRATEGIC INITIATIVES OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF YUGOSLAVIA
- FUNDAMENTALS FOR A NEW BEGINNING
MILO DJUKANOVIC PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF MONTENEGRO
Aware of the responsibility for the condition in which our citizens
live today, and concerned about the destiny of Yugoslavia as a Federal
State, as the President of the Republic of Montenegro I feel obliged to
address the public, the Federal and Republic political and state authorities,
with the initiative to enact a modern program of economic and social reforms
in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
It is a fact that our crisis has culminated to unimaginable proportions.
We are threatened by an economic collapse, social unrest and political
disintegration. The danger from internal conflicts becomes more and more
realistic. The international community has announced new sanctions and
new isolation measures. We are becoming a dark zone in Europe, a country
which is being singled out. Therefore, I believe that government authorities
and state officials, who hold the most responsible offices, do not have
the right to quietly and indifferently watch all that is happening.
The culmination of the crisis is, first of all, a consequence of the
long-term isolation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from its natural
European surroundings. An end to this isolation is not foreseeable in the
near future. A consensus has still not been reached on the Federal government
level for the need of urgent reintegration of Yugoslavia into the international
community. All attempts to date, especially recent ones, to open a democratic
dialogue on the current situation have hit a wall of silence and have been
blocked by high officials of the Federal government. Hesitation on the
level of the Federal state can only be interpreted as a dilemma in which
the ruling political circle is obviously trapped: should Yugoslavia take
the road towards Europe, or should it take some other road? Of course,
we should be aware that we have reached the bottom and that we somehow
have to start moving again.
Europe is our only possible choice. This country can only have a future
if it follows that road. Our place is in Europe, both geographically and
historically, we belong to the European civilization, and we have to remain
a part of it, economically, politically and culturally.
Montenegro, as an equal Federal unit, has its share of responsibility
for the current situation, as well as for the future of the country, the
future of the current and future generations. Therefore, I have decided
to initiate the preparation of fundamentals of a program with the popular
name: "Strategic Initiatives of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
- Fundamentals for a New Beginning". It is our ambition to show joint
responsibility for the fate of the country to the extent of the mandate
given to us by the people who have elected us.
There is more political nervousness and tension than ever before in
the Yugoslav political arena. Due to the fact that we have been sinking
without any prospects for a long time now, we have become suspicious and
susceptible to disputes. Instead of searching ways to get out of the hell
in which we have found ourselves, as soon as possible, we are inventing
new domestic and foreign enemies. That is a well-established pattern. This
country is not being threatened by Montenegrin, or any other separatism,
this country is being threatened by a long-term economic and social neglect
and hopelessness which has forced our youth to become economic immigrants
all around the world.
If the current economic and social policies continue, if we continue
to accept the fact that to survive is enough and that "the situation
is acceptable, because it could be worse", we will remain a country
living in its past, continuing to celebrate its past glories, heroic tales,
legends and downfalls. We must sober up and wake up from fairy tales and
historic dreams.
In order to be able to do this, we must be critical towards our reality
and towards ourselves. We must turn the criticism which is now directed
towards others, towards ourselves and our own results. Results are the
only thing which remains, and which is remembered. Results decide whether
the people will have a better or worse life. The latest measures of the
Federal Government, pertaining to the monetary policy, must be a final
warning to all of us.
This initiative comes from the deep concern about the daily deterioration
of the standard of living and the further impoverishment of our people.
The unemployment rate is growing constantly. It is really heartless to
play with people’s patience. Social problems are multiplying. Doctors,
educational workers, pensioners, soldiers, a large portion of the working
class, are barely making ends meet. Why are our young people being denied
to live the life their European friends are living? Don’t our pensioners,
who have worked honorably in fulfilling their duties, deserve a carefree
retirement? Why do they have to worry about having a piece of bread to
eat or not? Doesn’t the army of unemployed deserve to have jobs? Don’t
ambitious and educated people, who have a modern approach and work ethic
deserve the right to successful careers? Who and for which reason divides
people by religion and nationality and who and on whose behalf jeopardizes
their basic security and equality?
Today, we find to have boarded the wrong train, a train running at breakneck
speed into a wall which will shatter it, if we don’t stop and turn it immediately
in another direction. Instead of having done this at the beginning, or
even at the numerous stations along the way, we are stubbornly moving from
train car to train car. Unfortunately, today we have found ourselves in
the last train car. The direction we must take is towards Europe. Towards
the developed world.
The creators of economic policy should not be too proud of its success
which is based on relatively stable prices and a production growth. We
need both a production growth and stable prices, but this is not enough.
It is really comic to hear the boastfulness of the highest officials of
the Federal Government, especially in the current situation, that we have
the highest growth rates in Europe. This is nothing else but denial and
demagogic deception of the people. Neither the stability of prices, nor
the production growth can hide the serious crisis in our economy. It is
even less possible to spread the illusion that economic recovery can occur
in the current system, that better days are already here, and that we could
resolve all our problems only if the world would leave us alone to resolve
our own internal problems.
The existing growth is anaemic and does not lead to structural changes
in enterprises and the economy. Growth in itself does not lead to development,
because development is a change in structure, a change in quality. In today’s
information age, the essence of the development process is much more subtle
than its expression in numerous quantitative standards. The importance
of information is growing daily. We have to accept development as a process
of exchanging information with others, which means: development is not
possible in a closed system. This is a civilization fact and not an abstraction.
Each closed system is agreeable to those who control the monopoly. Development
cannot occur in a monopoly. The only thing that does occur in a monopoly
is that the ones who hold the monopoly get wealthy.
Even if the production growth would be 6%, in which the Federal authorities
are trying to convince us, we would need almost fifteen years to bring
our economy back to the level it reached at the end of the eighties. When
everyone in the world will be living their life in 2010, the life of the
new millennium, we will still be living on the economic level of 1989.
If such a rate of changes in the economy would be sustained, children born
today will be no better off than their parents were at their age when they
start high school.
We are spending much more than we are producing today. And what does
this mean to our country? It means that our "household" has no
future and will deteriorate, as every good host could tell you.
The losses of our economy, and of all Yugoslav enterprises respectively,
amount to more than 10 billion dinars, and this sum is on the increase
each year. The state, or the state authorities, have incurred a loss of
5 billion, which is felt by all those who depend upon the state for their
income, especially pensioners. Furthermore, the public debt is growing,
and the danger of a new monetary disaster, such as the one that occurred
in 1993, is ever present. If that should happen again, a new wave of inflation
would completely disable and destroy us.
FR Yugoslavia’s foreign debt is around 9 billion US Dollars. Along with
that, the savings of the population, amounting to around 4 billion US Dollars,
have been spent, and those savings need to be paid back. Unemployment is
rising at an accelerated rate. The employment rate in our country today
is about 400,000 employees less than in 1989. Today we have about 800,000
unemployed, or for every four employed persons, one is unemployed.
All this information concerning our deficits shows us that our total
capital is being destroyed and decreased. The real value of that capital
is estimated at only 20 billion US Dollars, which is little more than one
third of the value of the estimated capital at the end of the eighties.
Almost two thirds of our capital has disappeared during the period when
we were enslaved to the idea of stoic tolerance. The gross national income
is around 1000 US Dollars per capita, which is two times less than it was
8 years ago. That is seven times less than in Slovenia. Until the latest
devaluation, the average salary was about 200 DM, which is less than in
any other former Yugoslav republic. The relatively good supply of imported
goods on our market is financed by a deficit in the foreign trade balance
- about 2 billion US Dollars more is spent for foreign goods than is coming
in from the sales of our products abroad. The solution is not to decrease
import, which is insufficient for an effective production and civilized
life of the common citizen, but to increase the export level and establish
a balance between the two.
All of the above, as well as many other issues, are the consequence
of being enslaved to prejudices and illusions, the consequence of delaying
economic and social reforms. Yugoslavia does not have a future without
radical changes, and peace cannot be maintained in the region without a
transformation of the economy and a political, democratic dialogue.
Even such a strategy will not bring about a happier future overnight.
It does not exclude a post-reform recession and incurs great social and
economic costs during the adjustment period, until the economy is put back
on a steady growth course. This was the experience of all the Eastern European
countries as well as all countries in transition. The costs were even higher
in countries where the reform process was delayed by indecisiveness and
unwillingness to start the reforms. However, the fact that reforms bring
with them problems is not a reason to delay them. The greatest risk is
not to implement any changes at all. If nothing is changed, the only changes
that will occur will be for the worse.
Economic and social reforms must, in my opinion, rely on five basic
principles:
1.Internationalization of the economic and social life; 1.Economic reforms,
privatization and entrepreneurship; 1.Rule of law; 1.Democratization of
the political sphere; 1.Social justice and security.
Yugoslavia’s firm orientation towards urgent reintegration into the
international community is of absolute priority to this country today,
as without this presumption, economic and social reforms could not be implemented.
Immediate consensus among political forces in the country must be reached
concerning this matter. Through a democratic dialogue, we must reach a
strategy on how to quickly and painless fulfil our already existing obligations
without which there is no return to international political and financial
organizations. Yugoslav Parliament is the place where such a strategy must
be immediately adopted. There is no further reason to remain mute and hide
from the public what the world is demanding in order to accept us as a
partner. Almost all of us know these conditions by now, and especially
those who already accepted them, agreed and put their signature on them.
The nation must clearly hear about that price and decide whether we are
going to pay it and if we can afford not to pay it. The theses on national
pride, proven by self-isolation, are false and evil. We have already discovered
what pride looks like with a $5 income per capita, which we certainly do
not want to happen again.
Sometimes, the individual who uses spite as a tool at one’s own expense,
can even be considered charming. But when someone uses spite against the
world, at the expense of 10 million people, it is illogical, detrimental
and destructive. For this reason it is urgently necessary to push forward
with many international initiatives. The world is not in a hurry. It hardly
feels our economic plunge and social hopelessness. We are the ones who
have to be in a hurry. First of all, an initiative is needed towards the
European Union which is, without any alternative, the most important strategic
partner of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
It is the long-term interest of the FR Yugoslavia to actively and more
ambitiously formulate its strategy towards the entire process of integration
into Europe. This calls for the redefinition of our position towards three
sub-regional courses in Europe: a) the Mediterranean Partnership; b) the
Central European Free Trade Zone (CEFTA), c) and especially towards the
ambitious US Regional Project SECI - South European Cooperation Initiative.
In the program that needs to be enacted by the Federal Parliament, it
is necessary to include a charter of intent towards the European Union.
After this, an initiative addressing the European Union should be undertaken
to conclude agreements on partnership and cooperation in three areas: a)
the establishment of autonomous measures through preferences, b) access
to the PHARE program, with the objective to gain financial assistance for
FR Yugoslavia to prepare for negotiations with the WTO, IMF and the World
Bank, as well as c) support of the European Union for FR Yugoslavia’s membership
in the Council of Europe and the OSCE. Along with these activities, it
is necessary to start joint European Union and FRY consultations on a platform,
criteria and procedures for the beginning of negotiations for FRY’s membership
to the European Union.
If there is political will in our country, all these goals can be accomplished
this year. Should this take place, it would be possible to start negotiations
and reach agreements on joint membership of the type that already exist
within the European Union (so-called European Agreements).
Prior to this, it is necessary to reestablish relations with all countries
of the former Yugoslavia, with the aim of internationalizing and Europeanizing
our society. This is logical. First we need to settle relations with our
neighbors and then with others. The liberalization of trade and business
relations with our "new" neighbors is a precondition for the
economic revival and stabilization of the FR Yugoslavia. Moreover, we must
strengthen our efforts towards the establishment of a free trade zone between
the states in the region of the former Yugoslavia. It is understood that
the problems of succession must be resolved more efficiently, which needs
a more cooperative approach by our delegation.
This should all be in the function of returning FR Yugoslavia to the
international capital market, a visa which is granted by the IMF. Saying
that we do not necessarily need to regulate our status with the IMF is
quite irresponsible, if not insane. Regarding the Yugoslav membership in
the IMF, apart from the economic parameters with which all nations must
comply, we are obliged to fulfill additional conditions, such as membership
to the UN, including the outer wall of sanctions conditions.
It is particularly necessary to direct our activities towards the establishment
of relations with the World Trade Organization (WTO). Is it possible for
us to be outside the main institution of the universal trade system which
encompasses 90% of trade in the world? Only by accepting the basic principles
of the World Trade Organization we could secure the national treatment
of foreigners, protection of intellectual rights, the establishment of
effective customs policy, etc.
It must be understood that neither one serious current problem nor systematically
effective solution can be reached without including our country in all
relevant institutions of the international community. The previous consequences
of development and macro-economic isolation are deadly. Thus, from a country
that once was the leader of reforms in Eastern Europe, we have today distanced
ourselves from those who looked up to us as their future. The unemployment
rate in FRY is 2.5 times higher than in Hungary, 7 times higher than Czechia,
while our export per inhabitant is 7.5 times lower than in Hungary, and
10 times lower than in Czechia. While Czechia and Hungary have reached
90% of the gross national product from 1989, Yugoslavia is at a 50% level,
which means a constant ten year level of retardation in comparison to these
two countries.
Economic reforms, privatization and private ownership are key instruments
in our economic and political transformation. The establishment of private
and shareholder ownership will create a basis for not only economic but
political freedoms too. Any further lingering over implementing privatization
of the present state and socially-owned capital, leads to its dissipation
and devastation. Instead of spontaneous, wild privatization, a rapid, entrepreneurial
motivated and socially just privatization should be implemented. Moreover,
privatization should be in the function of changing our economic system,
but never by disseminating widespread fear from it, causing a standstill
to privatization, and prevention of sale of large enterprises in order
to gain funds necessary for the existence and maintenance of the present
system. The right to participation in the privatization process must be
secured for all citizens of this country.
Entrepreneurship is the dynamism to development! It is our significant
development resource. Our people have, in these times, shown that they
are creative, strong and energetic. Thousands of new firms have been constituted
and they are functioning. The grey market economy, in which, unfortunately,
many are involved, is the proof of this energy; these people should not
be accused or judged, since the state and system have pushed them in this
direction. Income from privatization should primarily be directed towards
entrepreneurs, people who possess the know-how, ideas, and courage to start
businesses, people who are creating a new, market oriented, economic structure.
The reform of our economic system should be comprehensive. It must be
based on liberalization and deregulation of economy and its openness by
way of stimulating taxes, low customs charges, fewer limitations and wider
freedoms. The system should provide the basic code of behavior, but not
prescribe final solutions and dictate how enterprises and entrepreneurs
should work. The system should protect the private interests of all, but
not impose torture in the form of higher quasi-social goals, actually the
social objectives of a small circle of people in power. The system should
function actively in providing increase of income to all who work and contribute
to it, its prevalent activity should not be concentrated on gathering income
to maintain an expensive administration and an ineffective state. It is
necessary to build economy and a market economy system in which the state
will be amply separated from the economy and business, but at the same
time, much more involved in the activities of economy and business than
it has been up to now.
The present institutions, or actually the managing mechanisms, require
radical changes in the context of a new economic system. The Federal institutions
are now places where no initiatives are taken rather than serious and effective
mechanisms for realizing economic policies. There are few countries in
the world in which, like in ours, the monetary system can be entered quite
easily; where verbal decisions of certain officials are more important
than passed laws; a system in which the issuing of licences and contingencies
is a prestigious business, and where the purchase of foreign currency from
the National Bank of Yugoslavia is the path towards the realization of
the "American dream". In Yugoslavia today, each bank can every
day impede the monetary and financial system, customs income of a few billion
can, according to someone’s personal will, be redirected from the Federal
budget, the federal police has been neglected for years and is on the streets,
the army has also been placed at the most degrading economic level, serving
as a reserve to enormously accumulated bodies of Republic police forces.
The Federal judicial system serves only for the settlement of political
clashes between the ruling circles and "disobedient" members
of society. The Yugoslav diplomatic service is more of a haven for the
worn-out and outdated than a representative state body to the world. Today,
this is the sad picture of our Federal state.
Therefore, the rule of law is unconditional for any kind of reforms.
Order is necessary for any changes within a state. Consistent implementation
of the Federal Constitution and coordination of the Republic Constitutions
with the highest Legal Act of the country is an urgent task. Accountability
for this falls on all Republic and Federal authorities and most responsible
individuals.
Thus, apart from the new economic system, Yugoslavia must become a country
where the rule of law and democratization of the political sphere are established.
Instead of rules which increasingly lead to establishment of personal oligarchy
in the country, the rule of law is necessary, as well as lawful security
for the citizens.
The democratization of society should provide the creation of a political
atmosphere indispensable for all these changes. Without huge changes in
the political sphere, first of all in the sphere of democratization, it
will be impossible to implement changes in the economy or any other field.
The political system must enable each individual to take care of his well-being
and happiness, whilst the task of the state is to create conditions in
which he will be able to realize this, in a productive, ethically founded,
and respectable manner. The direction of strategic changes lies in the
extension of personal freedoms, but at the same time in the strengthening
of personal accountability. Democracy is not anarchy. Democracy means freedom,
but also responsibility.
Without democratization of society there is no solution for the acute
problem of Kosovo. Seeking a solution within the borders of Serbia and
Yugoslavia is possible only under conditions of general democratization
within the country. Playing on the emotions of citizens and stirring nationalistic
feelings by inviting the people to a general referendum on the topic whether
the international community should help in seeking a solution for Kosovo,
is just looking for trouble, by a well-known, proven method of underrating
the world decision-making centers. That could easily lead to a tragedy.
The request for overall, primarily economic, reforms is motivated by
the idea of prosperity in the social sphere. All these changes make sense
only if the citizens of our country are guaranteed a better life, a higher
standard of living for every family, and more political freedoms, not on
a long-term basis, but in the near future. The citizens of Yugoslavia have,
more than many others, heard enough promises about a wonderful far future.
Understandably, institutions in the social sphere must also face serious
changes: the labour market, the educational, health and pension systems.
Change in these fields must increase social security for all citizens.
Until the new system is realized, the state is obliged to create even larger
social funds with a view to financing citizens from the layers of society
that are mostly affected by the reform. Thus, it is necessary that employed
and unemployed citizens are provided with parts of unused property and
equipment belonging to the present enterprises so that they could start
new businesses, that funds for retraining facilities are provided, that
a part of the privatization funds is allocated for the provision of social
security to the poorest citizens in the country. Poor people are also part
of this society and the state must invest significant resources in the
resolution of their problems. Of course, this must be based on the platform
that all who are capable of working have to be trained to do so in order
to be active and productive citizens, but that the state must create conditions
for this. A developmentally oriented social policy must be conducted. Otherwise,
the citizens of our society who are poor now, will never get a chance to
improve their situation. The economic development policy should be conducted
in a manner that would decrease the numbers of the poorest, but create
more citizens capable of living normally and qualitatively. The majority
of citizens qualifying for social aid do not wish to receive money, but
conditions to earn their money. No one receiving social aid today wishes
his child to inherit the same destiny. All this means that the state must
conduct a policy that guarantees social justice in society.
Understandably, this initiative is not a plea for some new society,
but for a society which already functions effectively among happy and rational
nations. To build such a society we do not only need a fundamental change
of institutions, but also a change in the current determination of values,
a change in the behavior pattern, a transformation of culture and overall
social conscience. That is a long-term process of learning and adjusting,
a series of changes that cannot be achieved overnight. But we should start
the process of long-term economic, political and social-psychological transformation
instead of looking for final solutions and answers to all questions, which
will come up during the implementation of reforms, at the very start of
transformation.
This initiative is a way of seeking response to the question: what are
so-called higher national interests and do such interests really exist
only in this country and no other country in Europe, where so much material
ruin, moral degradation, spiritual and cultural humiliation and social
retardation have prevailed for ten years, but could also go on for centuries
for the citizens and youth of Yugoslavia? And, if such interests do exist,
for whom do they exist? Certainly not for the benefit of the enormous majority
of the people of this country.
By its approach, this document has no ambition to prescribe a final
solution. It is an offer to all democratic forces of the country, an attempt
to find a solution for the current state of affairs in economy and politics,
a challenge and a warning to the state authorities that it is the last
hour for them to take responsibility for the destiny of their people and
state. That is why this document remains open to all improvements, to all
modern views and suggestions, and to the participation of all.
In Podgorica, April 3rd, 1998
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